By S. McEvoy-Levy
The booklet examines a severe time and position in contemporary global background (the finish of the chilly conflict) and the techniques and values hired within the public international relations of the Bush and Clinton Administrations to construct family and foreign consensus. It offers perception into the makes use of of Presidential energy and gives a version and an indication of the way the function of rhetoric can be used to check the overseas coverage of the U.S..
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Extra resources for American Exceptionalism and US Foreign Policy: Public Diplomacy at the End of the Cold War
A study of rhetorical themes, the speeches in which they appear, the audiences to whom they are addressed, and the historical and political contexts in which they are used by policy-makers, may aid scholars in identifying the shifting priorities of US administrations and their interlocking system, state, and individual level concerns as well as the `para-ideological' nature of their communications and their nation-constituting functions. Introduction 21 Rhetorical themes are developed as part of a strategy and reflect present traumas and concerns, historical successes, operative traditions, and the leader's personality.
Both orthodox and revisionist theories of the origins of the Cold War contain at their cores a conception of American exceptionalism. 28 Revisionist historians contended that exceptionalism was a large part of the motivation for the United States' aggressive expansion abroad. 29 This arrogant exceptionalism undermined humanitarian motives when they existed. 31 This view was not based on `arrogance', argued Steele, but on genuine altruism. Even among these critics of exceptionalist-driven foreign policy, and of the `myth' of exceptionalism, there was the conviction that the United States was uniquely situated, even destined, to be a force for change and the amelioration of the suffering of foreign peoples.
Globalist exceptionalism included the imperative not just to preserve America's safety and ensure its economic development but to reorganize the world to spread American values and in doing so, further international peace. This had always been implicit in early American exceptionalism, as Thomas Paine stated in his Common Sense in 1776: `we have it within our 26 American Exceptionalism & US Foreign Policy power to begin the world all over again', but this globalizing strain found concrete expression in US policy during an era of World Wars.